Texas Tribune
Remembering Kinky Friedman’s campaign for Texas governor
by By John Jordan, The Texas Tribune – 2024-06-28 17:45:17
SUMMARY: Kinky Friedman, who passed away Thursday, was a multifaceted figure known for his roles as a Peace Corps volunteer, bandleader, satirist, singer-songwriter, novelist, essayist, perennial political candidate, and devoted animal rescuer. He also worked as a comedian, chess player, and cigar smoker. In 2006, he ran as an independent candidate for Texas governor, promoting a pro-teacher, anti-death penalty, and anti-Trans-Texas Corridor platform. His campaign, characterized by chaos and authenticity, resonated with voters disillusioned with traditional politics. Despite falling short, his unique persona and populist appeal highlighted widespread frustration with the political status quo.
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You come to see
What you want to see
Yeah you come to see
But you never come to know
— Kinky Friedman, “The Wild Man of Borneo”
Kinky Friedman died Thursday. His obituaries have listed his various endeavors: Peace Corps volunteer, bandleader, provocateur, satirist, singer-songwriter, mystery novelist, essayist, perennial candidate for various offices (Kerrville justice of the peace, governor of Texas, commissioner of agriculture). I'd add Borscht Belt comedian, killer chess player, dedicated cigar smoker and savior of dogs to the list.
He was also, as it happens, my boss when he ran in a four-way race for governor in 2006.
I have never known anyone who worked harder at not having a real job, and I count my own efforts in that regard pretty impressive. His campaign had plenty of career-minded people focused on order and organization. There were a few who seemed determined to avoid not only work or a job but really any kind of useful activity whatsoever.
Over the years I've come to understand that this was by design, that this was Kinky's preference. A level of chaos for him was a feature, not a bug.
Hiring me was just one example: Nearing 50, I had a resume that consisted of pretty much one job: Bass player.
The Kinky Friedman for Governor campaign headquarters in Austin had a store offering merchandise, including shirts, caps and bumper stickers.
Credit:
Courtesy of John Jordan
I joined the campaign seeking to escape a life that was becoming unbearable to me after 30 years as a professional musician. A few years earlier, at a festival in downtown Birmingham, Alabama, two bandmates and I had taken the stage and begun tuning our instruments — the adjusting of monitor levels, the thump of drums and splash of cymbals that precede a live show — when I suddenly felt I could hear every individual thought of every person in the audience. I looked wildly at my bandmates, wondering if it was just me. That condition, which I'm not sure even has a name, only worsened over the succeeding years. Crowds became intolerable, an impossible situation for a professional musician. When I got the call from our former booking agent and Kinky's first campaign manager, Cleve Hattersley, I jumped at the chance. It was a measure of how much of a musician I was that I thought I was getting a real job.
The first time I remember meeting Kinky was at UT-Austin, an early campaign event. With a large following of students in tow, he strolled the campus, chewing on an unlit cigar and answering questions from a rapt group of students. I was taken with his ease, his sharp and rapid wit and his comfort with tough questions (which I noticed he didn't actually answer).
The particulars of Kinky's run for governor were never very specific, but his platform was very pro-teacher and public schools, deeply dubious of the death penalty and adamantly opposed to Gov. Rick Perry's proposed Trans-Texas Corridor, an ambitious but deeply unpopular multinational superhighway, rail and utility corridor that would have cut a gigantic swath across the state.
The Kinky Friedman campaign's logo was designed by Austin concert portrait artist Guy Juke. The campaign relied on colorful art.
Credit:
Campaign website
Kinky further offered an aspirational vision to voters that was long on slogans, if short on details. It spoke to Texans' deep sense of identity, including distrust of government. “How hard can it be?” and “You can lead a politician to water but you can't make him think” were classic Kinky one-liners, and they appeared on T-shirts and bumper stickers we sold hand over fist. He tapped into a sentiment neither liberal nor conservative: pissed off. Very few people, if indeed anyone, looked to Kinky for policy pronouncements. What drew many, myself included, was an abiding frustration with the status quo.
Unlike the major-party nominees — Perry and former Democratic congressman Chris Bell — the independent candidates, Kinky and former Austin mayor and state comptroller Carole Keeton Strayhorn, faced the difficult challenge of actually getting on the ballot. The hurdles were considerable: get 1% of the previous election's number of voters (in 2006, that meant about 50,000) to sign a petition. But each signature had to be from a registered voter, and that voter could not have voted in either the Republican or Democratic primary. Voters could only sign one or the other petition — either Strayhorn or Kinky, but not both — or the signature wouldn't count. And our campaigns would have 60 days, from the primary until May 11, 2006, to gather those signatures, which would then be validated by the Texas Secretary of State.
To maximize those 60 days of signature gathering, we'd have to engage in strenuous campaigning far earlier than the party candidates. When I signed on in the spring of 2005, about 18 months ahead of Election Day, the campaigning was just getting underway. My first job was to paint our first headquarters, a tiny, drafty office in an old two-story building a couple of blocks south of the Capitol. I installed the first computer, a Dell machine with Windows (I spent so much time on the phone with a Microsoft tech support worker in India that I knew her children's names), set up the first telephone, even had my bike stolen from the alley behind the office.
The teardrop trailer designed by Austin artist Bob “Daddy-O” Wade for Friedman's campaign. Widely known as the Gov Bug, it was usually full of merchandise, but it was also pressed into service to hold some of the tens of thousands of petition signatures delivered to the Texas secretary of state for verification.
Credit:
Courtesy of John Jordan
We ultimately had two more HQs as the campaign rapidly grew — the second was a former main office and warehouse for a cosmetics firm, offered to the campaign either gratis or very nearly free by a millionaire friendly to Kinky. We were booted when the production crew for the beloved TV series “Friday Night Lights” scouted our building and offered a ton of money to our landlord. I made the producers pony up considerable funds to move us seamlessly and overnight into our new home, a closed car dealership with a big campaign sign mounted high and visible from the adjacent highway. After our campaign ended, Hillary Clinton's 2008 presidential campaign took over the spot.
We were on the campaign trail constantly. If we failed to get enough signatures, two years of very hard work would just waft away like smoke from one Kinky's cigars.
Our approach for getting those 50,000 or so petition signatures was different from Strayhorn's. She decided to spend huge amounts of money on a firm that would fan out with mostly temp workers. We decided we'd keep it in house, so we bought banks of used computers and engaged many volunteers (we were using Facebook when it was still limited to colleges and universities), as well as everyone on staff, to participate in the gathering. We were therefore able to verify our signatures before delivering them to the secretary's office, while Strayhorn's campaign relied on sheer bulk. On the day we delivered all our signatures (in an elaborate convoy led by Austin cops on motorcycles) we knew we had wildly exceeded the minimum. Our total of verified signatures left Strayhorn in the dust.
For a man who avoided real jobs, Kinky was relentless. He was on the road all the time, all over Texas, in front of anyone who'd have him. And plenty would — he was an incredibly engaging presence who read rooms as only politicians and performance artists can. He shared a gifted politician's knack for making you feel, in a brief one-on-one encounter, like you were the only person in the world. If he had an engagement at 2 p.m., he considered himself late if he wasn't there by noon. It was a running joke that if he had a noon flight, you'd be driving him to the airport at 5 a.m.
Kinky's campaign reflected a persistent vein of frustration that has fueled populist insurgents like Ross Perot in 1992 and Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump in 2016. A former Texas governor, George W. Bush, was in the White House, presiding over unpopular wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. In Texas, Perry, was in some hot water for his support of the Trans-Texas Corridor. Meanwhile, the Democrat, Chris Bell, outperformed expectations in the end, because the youth turnout from Kinky never really materialized. The conventional wisdom at the time was that Kinky was peeling votes from the left, Strayhorn from the right and middle. The reality was more nuanced. At the hundreds of Kinky campaign events I worked, there were young ideological voters, middle aged and elderly former hippies, resolute Libertarians and future Tea Party adherents. What they saw in Kinky was someone who wouldn't filter himself, someone whose image was crafted by himself and no one else. It wasn't enough to win, but with Strayhorn at 18% and Kinky at 12%, it was the wildest Texas election in recent memory.
As a fellow musician, I know the power of authenticity, and I have never met anyone as authentic, as completely himself, as Kinky.
Kinky Friedman kisses a very young puppy at his home on his Medina ranch in December 2013.
Credit:
Todd Wiseman/The Texas Tribune
John Jordan, a native of Corpus Christi, was a longtime Austin bass player before he worked on Kinky Friedman's campaign in 2006. He joined The Dallas Morning News's Austin bureau in 2008 as an office manager and The Texas Tribune in 2012 as an editorial administrator. He was named deputy director of photography in 2022.
Disclosure: Dell, Facebook, Microsoft and Texas Secretary of State have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
Just in: Former U.S. Rep. Liz Cheney, R-Wyoming; U.S. Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pennsylvania; and Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt will take the stage at The Texas Tribune Festival, Sept. 5–7 in downtown Austin. Buy tickets today!
The post Remembering Kinky Friedman's campaign for Texas governor appeared first on TexasTribune.org.
The Texas Tribune is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.
Texas Tribune
Texas to double state fund aimed at expanding power grid
by By Kayla Guo, The Texas Tribune – 2024-07-01 17:05:54
SUMMARY: The state of Texas plans to double the Texas Energy Fund from $5 billion to $10 billion to expand the power grid as electricity demand is expected to nearly double by 2030. This follows a forecast by the Electric Reliability Council of Texas, which estimated the state's main grid would need to supply nearly twice its current power. The fund, approved by voters in November 2023, offers low-interest loans for new gas-fueled power plants. The state's grid has faced scrutiny since a 2021 winter storm caused extensive outages. Companies must apply for loans by July 27.
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The state of Texas plans to double a state fund aimed at expanding the power grid as demand for electricity is expected to nearly double over the next six years.
The state will look to boost the Texas Energy Fund from $5 billion to $10 billion, Gov. Greg Abbott and Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick announced on Monday. The fund was approved by voters in November 2023 to offer low-interest loans to incentivize development of new gas-fueled power plants.
The announcement comes soon after a new prediction by the state's main grid operator that said electricity needs will surge in the coming years. The Electric Reliability Council of Texas estimated that the state's main power grid would have to provide nearly double the amount of power it currently supplies by 2030.
The numbers in the new forecast, Abbott and Patrick said in a press release, “call for an immediate review of all policies concerning the grid.”
The state's grid came under intense public and legislative scrutiny after a winter storm in 2021 knocked out its operations, causing dayslong power outages across the state in freezing temperatures that left millions of Texans without lights or heat. Hundreds died.
The Texas Energy Fund set aside $5 billion to fund 3% interest loans to help construct new gas-fueled power plants that are not dependent on the weather and that could power 20,000 homes or more.
The fund was also designed to pay out bonuses to companies that connect new gas-fueled plants to the main grid by June 2029, and to offer grants for modernizing, weatherizing and managing vegetation growth around electricity infrastructure in Texas outside the main electricity market, which meets around 90% of the state's power needs.
The state received notices of intent to apply for $39 billion in loans — almost eight times more than what was initially set aside, Abbott and Patrick said. They added that the average plant will take three to four years to complete, and new transmission lines will take three to six years to complete.
Companies have until July 27 to apply for a loan.
Just in: Former U.S. Rep. Liz Cheney, R-Wyoming; U.S. Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pennsylvania; and Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt will take the stage at The Texas Tribune Festival, Sept. 5–7 in downtown Austin. Buy tickets today!
The post Texas to double state fund aimed at expanding power grid appeared first on TexasTribune.org.
The Texas Tribune is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.
Texas Tribune
Commanding officer confirms Troy Nehls has two Bronze Stars
by By Isaac Yu, The Texas Tribune – 2024-07-01 13:02:57
SUMMARY: The Texas Tribune reports that the military record of Rep. Troy Nehls has come under scrutiny. A CBS investigation revealed discrepancies in Nehls' service decorations, including claims of a second Bronze Star and a Combat Infantryman Badge (CIB), which the Pentagon has not corroborated. Nehls' former commanding officer, Jason Burke, affirmed awarding him a second Bronze Star in 2008. Despite the Pentagon's records indicating only one Bronze Star and no CIB, Nehls insists on social media that he earned both awards. Nehls, facing criticism, has stopped wearing the CIB, which was revoked in 2023 due to service in a non-combat role.
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WASHINGTON — The commanding officer of a 2008 tour in Afghanistan that included then-U.S. Army Major Troy Nehls told The Texas Tribune that he recalls awarding the now-congressman his second Bronze Star award.
That award — which recognizes service members who show heroism in the field — has been called into question after a CBS investigation reported Nehls had been touting military decorations that did not match his service record provided by the Pentagon. In campaign ads and in his House biography, Nehls, R-Richmond, has posted pictures wearing an Army uniform and two Bronze Star medals. He has also worn the Combat Infantryman Badge lapel pin, awarded to soldiers for service in combat.
The investigation found that the Pentagon reported Nehls received only one Bronze star and that the Combat Infantryman Badge was awarded in error and rescinded in 2023. Nehls, who has been publicly criticized by members of his own party amid the claims of stolen valor, said on social media that he did have two Bronze Stars. But he has since stopped wearing the CIB.
But Jason Burke, the Navy captain who led the 130-person joint task force Nehls served on during his tour, recalled awarding the medal to Nehls. Nehls received the medal at a ceremony with several other officers in the fall of 2008, shortly before Nehls finished his tour and returned to Texas, Burke told the Tribune.
“You're getting that award if you've done a good job and met the criteria,” said the now-retired Burke, who is listed on the award certificate as Nehls' commanding officer. “He earned it, and received it.”
Nehls, who represents a swath of Houston suburbs, served as Burke's second-in-command under a joint effort called Task Force Currahee. Their unit, which included both Army and Navy officers, worked on provincial reconstruction, building roads, clinics and schools in eastern Afghanistan's Ghazni Province. Burke said the team's convoys regularly came under Taliban ambushes and guerrilla attacks.
The Bronze Star award must be recommended by a commander, and any service member in any branch of the military working an operation involving a conflict with an opposing force is eligible. The CIB, by contrast, is only given to those in combat roles.
It was relatively standard during the U.S.'s war on terrorism, after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, for officers of certain ranks to receive a some kind of award upon completing a tour, often a Bronze Star. Nehls' first star was awarded for Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2004, where he trained 13 staff members of an Iraqi government office to perform financial assessments, according to the certificate.
A spokesperson for Nehls declined to comment on this story, pointing to a post on X Nehls made last month defending his record and posting photos of the certificates of his two Bronze Stars, and his copy of the underlying nomination forms. Burke's sign-off can be seen on the 2008 documentation, known as a Form 638, along with signatures from two higher-level officials.
CBS reported the Pentagon would conduct another review of Nehls' record. The most recent summary of his service and awards, provided to the Tribune by a Pentagon spokesperson on Friday, lists only one Bronze Star and no CIB.
The systems for keeping records for military awards can be difficult to navigate. A soldier often becomes responsible for making sure awards paperwork is turned over to a personnel officer.
That means documentation for awards sometimes slips through the cracks, according to retired Army sergeant Anthony Anderson, who has investigated numerous instances of stolen valor.
“I wouldn't say it's common, but it does happen,” Anderson said.
Anderson said he had previously spoken with Nehls' chief of staff, encouraging them to submit documentation of the second Bronze Star to the Pentagon to be added to Nehls record.
He said he would be surprised if an officer in Nehls' position hadn't received a Bronze Star.
Nehls' military record has become a thorn for him in recent months. He announced that he would stop wearing the Combat Infantryman Badge last week in response to reports that the badge had been revoked in 2023.
Nehls was found to be ineligible for that badge because he had served in Afghanistan in a civil role, not as a combatant infantryman. Nehls did serve as an infantryman during his time with the Wisconsin National Guard in the 1990s, completing a tour in Bosnia.
Just in: Former U.S. Rep. Liz Cheney, R-Wyoming; U.S. Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pennsylvania; and Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt will take the stage at The Texas Tribune Festival, Sept. 5–7 in downtown Austin. Buy tickets today!
The post Commanding officer confirms Troy Nehls has two Bronze Stars appeared first on TexasTribune.org.
The Texas Tribune is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.
Texas Tribune
Robert Robertson execution day set in Texas shaken baby case
by By Kayla Guo, The Texas Tribune – 2024-07-01 11:33:10
SUMMARY: A Texas court has scheduled Robert Roberson's execution for October 17. Roberson, sentenced to death in 2003 for his 2-year-old daughter's death, has consistently challenged the conviction, claiming it was based on questionable science. Despite halting his execution in 2016 due to doubts about shaken baby syndrome, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals upheld his death sentence in 2023. Roberson's attorneys argue new evidence shows his daughter died of natural causes, not head trauma, and question the shaken baby syndrome diagnosis. The execution date triggers deadlines for last-minute legal and clemency filings.
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A Texas court on Monday set an execution date for Robert Roberson, who was sentenced to death in 2003 for killing his 2-year-old daughter but has consistently challenged the conviction on the claim that it was based on questionable science.
Roberson has maintained his innocence while being held on death row for more than 20 years. The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals previously halted his execution in 2016. But in 2023, the state's highest criminal court decided that doubt over the cause of his daughter's death was not enough to overturn his death sentence.
His new execution date is set for Oct. 17.
Roberson's attorneys objected to the scheduling of an execution after Anderson County prosecutors requested on June 17 that a date be set. His attorneys said they have new evidence to bolster their case and that they planned to file a new request to overturn his conviction.
As a result, his attorneys argued, setting an execution date would be “premature and unjust.”
Roberson was convicted of killing his sickly 2-year-old daughter, Nikki Curtis, after he rushed her blue, limp body to the hospital. He said that Nikki fell from the bed while they were sleeping in their home in the East Texas town of Palestine and that he awoke to find her unresponsive. But doctors and nurses, who were unable to revive her, did not believe such a low fall could have caused the fatal injuries and suspected child abuse.
At trial, doctors testified that Nikki's death was consistent with shaken baby syndrome — in which an infant is severely injured from being shaken violently back and forth — and a jury convicted Roberson.
The Court of Criminal Appeals in 2016 stopped his execution and sent the case back to the trial court after the scientific consensus around shaken baby syndrome diagnoses came into question. Many doctors believe the condition is used as an explanation for an infant's death too often in criminal cases, without considering other possibilities and the baby's medical history.
The Court of Criminal Appeals' decision was largely a product of a 2013 state law, dubbed the “junk science law,” which allows Texas courts to overturn a conviction when the scientific evidence used to reach a verdict has since changed or been discredited. Lawmakers, in passing the law, highlighted cases of infant trauma that used faulty science to convict defendants as examples of the cases the legislation was meant to target.
Roberson's attorneys, in their opposition to setting an execution date, cited “overwhelming new evidence” that Nikki died of “natural and accidental causes” — not due to head trauma.
They wrote that Nikki had “severe, undiagnosed” pneumonia that caused her to stop breathing, collapse and turn blue before she was discovered. Then, instead of identifying her pneumonia, doctors prescribed her Phenergan and codeine, drugs that are no longer given to children her age, further suppressing her breathing, they argued.
“It is irrefutable that Nikki's medical records show that she was severely ill during the last week of her life,” Roberson's attorneys wrote, noting that in the week before her death, Roberson had taken Nikki to the emergency room because she had been coughing, wheezing and struggling with diarrhea for several days, and to her pediatrician's office, where her temperature came in at 104.5 degrees.
“There was a tragic, untimely death of a sick child whose impaired, impoverished father did not know how to explain what has confounded the medical community for decades,” Roberson's attorneys wrote.
They have also argued that new scientific evidence suggests that it is impossible to shake a toddler to death without causing serious neck injuries, which Nikki did not have.
And they cited developments in a similar case in Dallas County, in which a man was convicted of injuring a child. His conviction was based in part on now partially recanted testimony from a child abuse expert who provided similar testimony on shaken baby syndrome in Roberson's case. Prosecutors in Dallas County have said the defendant should get a new trial.
In 2023, when the Court of Criminal Appeals denied Roberson a new trial, prosecutors argued that the evidence supporting Roberson's conviction was still “clear and convincing” and that the science around shaken baby syndrome had not changed as much as his defense attorneys claimed. Witnesses also testified at trial that Roberson had a bad temper and would shake and spank Nikki when she would not stop crying.
The scheduling of Roberson's execution triggers a series of deadlines for any last filings in state and federal court to seek relief and begin a request for clemency.
Just in: Former U.S. Rep. Liz Cheney, R-Wyoming; U.S. Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pennsylvania; and Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt will take the stage at The Texas Tribune Festival, Sept. 5–7 in downtown Austin. Buy tickets today!
The post Robert Robertson execution day set in Texas shaken baby case appeared first on TexasTribune.org.
The Texas Tribune is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.
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